home
***
CD-ROM
|
disk
|
FTP
|
other
***
search
/
TIME: Almanac 1993
/
TIME Almanac 1993.iso
/
time
/
123190
/
1231005.000
< prev
next >
Wrap
Text File
|
1992-08-28
|
5KB
|
106 lines
WORLD, Page 28GERMANYThe Pain of Purification
East Germany's last leader, labeled a secret-police informant,
is the latest victim of a process haunting the reunited land
By HOWARD G. CHUA-EOAN -- Reported by Daniel Benjamin/Bonn and
James O. Jackson/Berlin
Bespectacled and goateed, Lothar de Maiziere always looked
less like a politician than a classical musician. In fact,
before he became East Germany's first -- and last -- freely
elected head of government in April 1990, De Maiziere was once
a professional violist. After a nerve ailment ended his
orchestral career, he took to defending dissidents in court
against the Communists who then ruled the East. Last week he
resigned as Minister Without Portfolio from Chancellor Helmut
Kohl's government after he was labeled with another vocation:
informant.
De Maiziere had twice outlasted rumors of Stasi links since
his rise from political obscurity. Not this time. In early
December the weekly Der Spiegel claimed that under the old
regime he regularly provided information to the infamous
Ministry of State Security, popularly known as Stasi. The
magazine reproduced a Stasi file card indicating that an
informant lived at De Maiziere's Berlin address. His code name:
Czerny, the surname of a 19th century Austrian composer.
De Maiziere protested his innocence, but there are some
indications that Czerny could have been De Maiziere. Though he
quit the government, De Maiziere vowed to keep his seat in
parliament "and at the same time undertake everything in my
power to clear up the suspicion."
The Stasi stain, however, will be almost impossible to erase
-- for De Maiziere as well as tens of thousands of other former
citizens of East Germany. At its height, the ministry was the
most powerful arm of the communists and had at its command
85,000 full-time workers, 109,000 paid informants and
innumerable unofficial snoops who kept tabs on everything from
visiting foreigners to the affairs of their neighbors. It kept
files on 4 million of the country's citizens as well as 2
million West Germans. Placed end to end, the Stasi's records
would reportedly stretch 65 miles, and they have yet to be
properly evaluated by the new unified government. The potential
for disrupting ordinary lives -- of those guiltless as well as
those in secret desperation -- is immense.
In the final days of East Germany, the country's parliament
was scandalized by the discovery that 56 of its 400 deputies,
including 15 ministers, had Stasi ties. In fact, De Maiziere
became leader of the conservative coalition that was elected to
rule East Germany only after its most likely prime-ministerial
candidate, civil rights lawyer Wolfgang Schnur, resigned in the
wake of charges that he was a Stasi informant. Stasi officials
remain in control of much of the newly privatized sector of the
eastern economy.
At the archives, some material still lies in sacks, a
reminder of the confusing citizens' takeover of Stasi
headquarters in the early days of the East German revolution.
Last week rules were issued that permitted access to those
charged with collaborating with the Stasi and those seeking
rehabilitation from past slanders, among others. So far, several
inquiries have been government background checks. Security and
intelligence agencies are barred from the files.
These guidelines, however, remain preliminary. If the
federal parliament decides to admit all citizens who are
mentioned in the records into the archives, as some government
officials suggest, there will be a flood of inquiries from those
who want to see their former oppressors and secret accusers
brought to justice. Already many Germans are aghast over
revelations of former spies -- and therefore traitors -- in
their midst. Fearful of the divisive potential of
"de-Stasification," some Germans have called for a limited
amnesty. In an interview in the daily Die Welt, former
Chancellor Willy Brandt said, "Those who abused their countrymen
and enriched themselves must go before the courts . . . [but]
let the others lie in peace." And while East Germany committed
no horrors on the scale of the Third Reich, some Germans fear
a replay of the turmoil associated with the purges of postwar
de-Nazification.
Other Germans disagree. "You cannot build a new start on a
lie," says Barbel Bohley, a leading civil rights activist from
Eastern Germany. She warns of the possibility of a "corruptible
parliament with members susceptible to blackmail" for their
Stasi past. Says Karl-Dietrich Bracher, a political scientist
at the University of Bonn: "If we were to have a general
amnesty, there would be a general disgust with politics. Some
kind of purification is necessary."
Because De Maiziere played an important role in helping Kohl
speed unification, many Germans feel a twinge of regret at his
fall from grace. If he was an informant, De Maiziere would have
been small fry in East Germany's maze of domestic spies. Yet
even if he vindicates himself in court, he is likely to be
permanently wounded by the allegations. And he will not be the
last.